The Projection of Argument-Taking Nomials
Author: Engelhardt M.
Source: Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, Volume 18, Number 1, February 2000 , pp. 41-88(48)
Drawing on data from Modern Hebrew, I argue that derived argument-taking nominals do not form an aspectually homogeneous class and that the nominal system manifests a perfective/imperfective opposition. Each aspectual type is characterized by a cluster of different syntactic properties. Concretely, it is shown that imperfective nominals, in contrast to perfective nominals, are non-definite, fail to host subjects, and disallow DP internal agreement. The defective nature of imperfective nominals is hypothesized to derive from the absence of the functional head D in their projection. The difference in the aspectual interpretation of the two types of argument-taking nominals is also attributed to the presence or absence of D. The proposed account of aspect in the nominal system provides a principled explanation for the mass properties of argument-taking nominals, linking the latter to the aspectual non-delimitedness of these nominals.
Document Type: Regular paper
Publication date: 2000-02-01